On April 24, 2022, Dmitry Ivanov — a programmer, Moscow State University (MSU) student, civil activist, and author of the popular Telegram channel “Protest MSU” — was detained in Moscow. Following a common practice, he was initially arrested on administrative charges and sentenced to 10 days in custody. On May 8, as he was leaving the Sakharovo detention center, he was again charged with an administrative offense, resulting in an additional 25-day arrest on May 9. Before this period expired, Ivanov was taken to the Investigative Committee, where he was interrogated and then formally charged with “public dissemination of knowingly false information about the Russian Armed Forces motivated by political hatred or enmity.”
On June 3, 2022, Dmitry was taken into custody. He was later sentenced to 8 years and 6 months in a general regime penal colony, a sentence he continues to serve to this day.
This case will be examined from three perspectives: Pro, Contra, In Fact.
Contra
Between March 4 and April 4, 2022, Dmitry Ivanov published 12 posts on his Telegram channel “Protest MSU.” During a preliminary investigation, a psychological and linguistic expert review was ordered to determine whether these posts included statements about actions of the Russian military in foreign territories. Experts were also asked to identify whether the content incited political, ideological, or national hatred or hostility, or whether it contained degrading characteristics, negative emotional evaluations, and negative attitudes toward individuals or social groups. Additionally, the review aimed to assess whether the content contradicted the official positions of Russia’s Ministry of Defense and Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
While Ivanov was serving his administrative arrest, specialists completed the analysis, and on April 28, it was formalized as a linguistic expert report. Experts Yu.A. Khomyakov and S.A. Selivanova concluded that some publications contained psychological and linguistic signs of political, ideological, and national enmity, as well as degrading remarks and negative attitudes toward the President of the Russian Federation. They also identified statements contradicting the official positions of the Russian authorities regarding military involvement in other countries.
On June 3, 2022, after being interrogated and officially charged, the Presnensky District Court placed Ivanov in pre-trial detention. The measure was appealed in the Moscow City Court but was upheld. His pre-trial detention was repeatedly extended until the trial began.
After the investigation was completed, the case was transferred to the Timiryazevsky District Court. The first hearing took place on August 26, 2022.
One of the prosecution’s witnesses was Lyudmila Grigoryeva, deputy dean of the Faculty of Fundamental Physical and Chemical Engineering at MSU. She had previously demanded students harass an eco-activist on social media, referring to the activist’s supporters as a “gang” and “Western-funded liberal scum,” according to MSU’s Initiative Group in 2021.
Another witness, Sergei Krasilnikov, a teaching and methodology specialist at MSU, testified that his student (Ivanov) opposed the Russian Federation, spoke against the annexation of Crimea, compared Russia to Nazi Germany, and shared information about alleged war crimes in Bucha and Irpin.
“Ivanov is an anti-Russian fascist,” Krasilnikov was quoted by SOTAvision.
On January 19, 2023, following another court session, Dmitry Ivanov was reportedly beaten by a convoy officer inside the courthouse and threatened with sexualized violence.
The trial consisted of just four court sessions. On March 7, 2023, Ivanov was found guilty of spreading false information about the Russian Armed Forces and sentenced to 8 years and 6 months in a general regime colony. He denied all charges.
The verdict was appealed in the Moscow City Court but was upheld without changes.
Pro
On August 28, 2024, during a cassation appeal, Dmitry Ivanov delivered a statement:
“Since I am accused of spreading false information, I want to say a few words about the truth. Two and a half years ago, when I published the posts that became the subject of this criminal case, the suburbs of Kyiv were under Russian control. What happened there is documented through eyewitness testimonies, numerous expert reports, and extensive photo and video evidence—much of which is horrifying. These facts have been thoroughly verified and documented by journalists worldwide.
I wish the events in Bucha were false, that they had never occurred, but the overwhelming body of evidence leaves no room for doubt.
Meanwhile, in recent weeks, even Russia’s own territory has fallen outside the government’s control. Foreign journalists reporting from the Kursk region are being targeted and threatened with prosecution. The authorities are doing everything they can to conceal what is happening. As a viewer, I’m told only that ‘Russian forces are pushing back Ukrainian terrorists in the border region,’ even as evacuations continue.
The Ukrainian side, by contrast, allows independent observers—including those critical of Ukraine—to monitor and report on events, including possible violations of international law.
This law, Article 207.3, is flawed at its core. Under the guise of prohibiting the spread of knowingly false information, it effectively bans the dissemination of any information that does not come from official sources. And yet, those sources fail to provide us with any concrete information. There’s only one way to avoid spreading so-called ‘fakes’—by telling people the truth. But that is difficult, because it means admitting mistakes, explaining failures, and answering tough questions. Had Vladimir Putin chosen this path 25 years ago, there would be far fewer uncomfortable questions today.”
As Ivanov spoke, the judge interrupted him several times and ordered him to refrain from mentioning the president, directing him instead to focus on legal arguments in the cassation appeal.
In Fact
The following posts from the “Protest MSU” Telegram channel were cited in the indictment and formed the basis of the sentence:
- March 4, 2022 – Repost from “Lentach” of a video by Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, stating that Russian forces attacked the Zaporizhzhia nuclear power plant and calling for new sanctions and a no-fly zone.
- March 4, 2022 – Repost from “Navalny” calling for anti-war protests on March 6 in Russian cities.
- March 8, 2022 – Repost from “Zelensky / Official” of a video describing Russian aircraft losses and urging the West to close Ukraine’s skies.
- March 10, 2022 – Repost from “Lentach” of a video in which Zelensky discusses the bombing of a hospital and maternity ward in Mariupol.
- March 17, 2022 – Repost from “Barabanov” featuring reflections on the destruction of Mariupol.
- March 21, 2022 – Video about the situation in occupied Kherson.
- March 24, 2022 – Personal text reflecting on a month of war: “Each new day of war shatters thousands of lives and drags us deeper into the abyss. This madness must be stopped.”
- April 3, 2022 – Repost from “Skrat media” of graphic photos showing civilian casualties in Kyiv region after Russian withdrawal.
- April 3, 2022 – Repost from “Maxim Katz Channel” of a video titled “Bucha: A Special Operation to Exterminate Civilians (18+).”
- April 4, 2022 – Repost of Dmitry Kolezev’s article “Bucha: Why We Have to Believe.”
The most sensitive posts for the state were those involving the bombing of a maternity hospital in Mariupol and the atrocities committed in Bucha.
Regarding the hospital bombing, on April 13, the OSCE released a report concluding that Russian forces were responsible, calling it a “flagrant violation” of international humanitarian law. The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights later confirmed that civilians were killed and injured in a Russian airstrike. CNN also conducted an investigation published on March 17.
As for Bucha, Human Rights Watch released a report based on eyewitness testimonies documenting war crimes. Independent investigations were also conducted by BBC, AFP, AP, Radio Liberty, NBC News, and The New York Times. The massacre was condemned by European Parliament President Roberta Metsola, European Council President Charles Michel, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg, German Chancellor Olaf Scholz, foreign ministers of Germany and France, U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken, and many other global leaders, public figures, and journalists. In response, around 200 Russian diplomats were expelled from Europe.
Public figures who expressed support for Dmitry Ivanov include: Nobel laureate and Novaya Gazeta editor-in-chief Dmitry Muratov, journalists Andrey Loshak, Anton Dolin, Nikolay Svanidze, Anton Orekh, and Tikhon Dzyadko, politician Marina Litvinovich, former Human Rights Council head Mikhail Fedotov, dissident Valery Borshchev, Yabloko co-founder Vladimir Lukin, writer Leonid Nikitinsky, rights advocate Alla Frolova, actress Maria Shalaeva, academic A. Avetisyan, and former Transparency International executive Elena Panfilova, among others.
On July 15, 2022, the human rights project “Support for Political Prisoners. Memorial” recognized Dmitry Ivanov as a political prisoner.
On March 7, 2023, Amnesty International declared him a prisoner of conscience.
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